Falling Far Short of Reform
David Leonhardt writes “The Economic Scene” for the New York Times. He has immersed himself recently in the economics and political economics of health reform. On Sunday, November 8, he wrote a most interesting article in the New York Times Magazine on Dr. Brent James, the chief quality officer of Intermountain HealthCare. Brent has been recognized for years as one of the best practitioners of the behavior change to high quality, low cost medicine in the country. The article proved Leonhardt gets what health reform is all about.
On November 11, Leonhardt wrote in his column about the two goals of health reform: “The first – insuring the uninsured – carries grand overtones of social justice. The second-- making the health system more efficient – can seem abstract, technocratic, and a bit nerdy.” He then suggests the House bill passed last Saturday passes the first test and flunks the second. The following are his reasons for flunking the system reform test, and my reactions as a policy reformer of more than three decades.
1. Reform is not just about bending the medical cost curve, but about saving lives at risk in hospitals and from over-use of medicine, and passing the financial savings on to insurance premium and tax payers. He’s right. Peter Prenovost’s 18-month experiment in 108 Michigan hospitals that reduced deaths from preventable infections to near zero is not being repeated in the other 6,500 American hospitals because they are still being paid for errors and not being rewarded for no errors. It is CMS obligation and the Medicare and Medicaid payment system to stop paying for preventable mistakes and to steer insured Americans away from the recalcitrant. Nothing in the bill requires that, thanks to the AHA.
2. What works in medicine? Modern medicine is full of uncertainty, but much of that can be eliminated by funded research in effectiveness science. The medical industry at all levels has always objected to performance comparison and to the application of effectiveness science to its work product. The attacks this year on Dartmouth’s landmark work are evidence. So is two decades of industry lobbying Congress against comparative effectiveness. Stimulus investments in this science are being limited in application in the House bill by the industries involved. The White House can change this in conference.
3. A Federal Reserve Bank for Medicare payment reform which would have power to recommend payment changes to Congress which would go into effect unless vetoed or changed by Congress within 40 days of submission each year. The administration is willing to go down this road and the Senate may help. But experience with MedPAC tells us that the medical industry will find a way to own the commission or subvert its results before the days are up each year. This is big. The problem is the industry/Congress/lobbyist relationship, which is so pervasive that only a majority party needing meaningful health system reform can create the language it needs and assure the impartiality of the appointment process.
4. The McAllen, TX, problem references efforts on the part of conservative Democrats and some potential Republican Senate supporters to authorize Medicare to institute payment differentials based on the value of the care rather than the volume. We don’t need an IOM study – which was as far as Pelosi and the New York City/Los Angeles committee powers would go combined with demos. We need pilot projects – in effect different Medicare programs in different regions in the country – which go into effect after a five year demonstration of effectiveness. The MMA 646 Demo proposal from the upper Midwest 7-state consortium three years ago is an on-the-shelf model.
5. Expanding health insurance choice in the workplace. The president promised choice. The House did not deliver. The ERISA preemption for self-insured plans is so sacred to large employers and unions that they oppose efforts by Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR) to require employers over a certain number of employees to offer three health plan choices to their employees. Perhaps link access to these with health management services as well. This is the same “health insurance exchange” that members of Congress and we retirees have – a choice of chances to buy into good health and affordable coverage. The White House must support Wyden and Republicans should support him too even if they do not support the bill.
6. The Cadillac tax is not good tax policy. Every health policy reformer I know has tried to change the code to limit the subsidy to an average individual and average family plan. The unions have always objected. The unions stand to gain so much from the achievement of universal coverage, they ought to consider working with employers to share some of their financial subsidy excess with the uninsured and under-insured. Only the president can pull this one off and he must to take advantage of this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to start down the path of cost reduction through smart purchasing.
7. The Doctor-Patient Relationship. Universal coverage is the first step to enabling accountable health care organizations to change their health system’s performance. The Congress is likely to treat physician payment reform separately in a bill to change Part B of Medicare. That’s not all that’s to it. How doctors get paid for what is critical to what they do and how well. The growing disparity between primary and specialty care led us to the RBRVS in the first place. It’s getting much worse, and SGR does nothing to make it better. Performance pay is essential. Issues around health professionals’ licensure don’t even come up, but are critical to improving efficiency and productivity in health systems. Access to comparable information is critical, as is removing presumed penalties for doctor’s judgment calls. David Blumenthal’s work on health information technology must be a priority. Informed Patient Choice is a new liability standard which must be combined with shared decision-making.
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This country has a misplaced over-reliance on litigation, poorly trained lawyers and ambulance chasers (including attorneys general) to remedy errors in products, professional services and public policy.
The 2009 William E. Petersen Symposium on Physician Leadership will feature Dr. James Mongan, president and chief executive officer of Partners HealthCare, Boston, MA, an integrated health system founded in 1994 by Brigham and Women’s Hospital and Massachusetts General Hospital.
The GOP can't lose what they never had - public confidence that they understand the problems real people experience accessing and affording health care. The current party comes from parts of the country where medical practice culture is oriented around “more is better” and the doctor is always right, individuals need to take more responsibility for their choices, abortion and euthanasia are not cost containment but liberal values, and the problem lies elsewhere than with me or us (people like me).
On November 6, we will once again be presenting the UST Executive Conference on the Future of Health Care. We are very excited about the outstanding speakers who will be making presentations. Although this year has been dominated by health care reform, there are many significant changes occurring in health care delivery and we believe we have identified trends and speakers that are leading change in the system.
Depends on what the question is. Kathy Dodge from Bloomberg News called me this past weekend. She is visiting HealthPartners, a staff-model HMO in Minnesota which doesn’t want to be called that and is legally a co-op, and heard I was a skeptic. Not at all, I told her. “I’m one of those health reformers who believe everything we need to do to change the system has already been invented.” For example, if you are a multi-specialty medical practice group which also owns your hospital and an insurance plan, you can share the benefits of your quality and efficiency improvement with your staff and your plan members. Makes no difference whether you are legally organized as a for-profit, nonprofit, or cooperative. The tax breaks under state and federal law which go with the nonprofit theory of community benefit, or with the co-op in some states, is a subsidy that can make them more competitive than tax-paying for-profits.